【正式版課綱】：請見開學第一週公佈檔案 (本系網站--課程--114-2 大學部課程)。目前各週是暫訂主題，有微調空間。

【課程總修課人數上限】：60 (若已滿 60 人不再開放加簽)。課程不開放旁聽，僅限大學部正式修課者參與。

這門課的目標是探究臺灣和世界民主陣營，在民主深化路上遭遇的挑戰及其社會根源。構思背景分為兩方面來談。首先是臺灣從「太陽花運動」至今，歷經新興第三勢力崛起、地方政治與國會格局的改變、全球疫情以及地緣政治層次的事件，公眾參與和表達民主的方式，似乎更強調回應議題的即時性（actuality） 和兩極化（polarization）。其次是近年來世界民主陣營對「民粹」現象（populism） 的討論。這個討論伴隨著「民主倒退」（democratic backsliding）的憂慮，主要以民選領袖對權力制衡、言論自由、司法獨立、結社集會、選舉過程、媒體中立性、多元價值的影響程度，做為觀察指標。「民粹」現象之所以引發「民主倒退」的憂慮，在於群眾跟政治領袖的緊密結合，將各類抗議和不滿，凝聚並轉化為個人 或組織權力，跳過強調公民自發平等交談、尋求彼此共識的「公共領域」（public sphere）。

從上述背景來看，當代民主生活的運作，不只是滿足民主形式條件、分析權力更迭和價值選擇的問題。我們更需要進一步了解：參與其中的個體、群體與組織，如何根據各自的語言、身份地位、閱聽媒介與生活經驗，賦予「民主」多重意義，據此產生相對應的集體行動和參與方式。當代「民主人」打造的「民主」及面臨的內外挑戰，是課程關注的核心問題。

課程分為兩個部份。第一部份將從群眾心理的討論出發，描繪當代民主參與者的基本類型與凝聚方式，並檢視民主陣營出現的「民粹」現象、公眾語言的極端化和大眾宣傳機制的關聯。第二部份則聚焦當代民主社群面臨的挑戰。我們將扣緊民主化的脈絡，討論威權遺緒、社運和新舊政治菁英的關係。其次，課程將從科技、專家治理和公民身份的角度，分析當代民主社群產出政策的特點和凝聚異質成員的方式，檢視當代民主在面對高度社會分工和新成員時，是否具備自我更新和維持韌性的能力。

[Official version of the course syllabus]: Please see the archives released in the first week of school (department website--Courses--114-2 Undergraduate Courses). Each week is currently a tentative theme and there is room for fine-tuning.

[Maximum number of students taking the course]: 60 (if the number of students reaches 60, no more visas will be added). The course is not open for auditing, and is only open to those who are officially taking the course at the university level.

The goal of this course is to explore the challenges encountered by Taiwan and the world's democratic camps on the road to deepening democracy and their social roots. The conceptual background is divided into two aspects. First, from the "Sunflower Movement" to the present, Taiwan has experienced the rise of emerging third forces, changes in local politics and parliamentary structures, global epidemics, and geopolitical events. The way public participation and expression of democracy seems to place more emphasis on the actuality and polarization of responding to issues. The second is the discussion of the "populism" phenomenon in the world's democratic camps in recent years. This discussion is accompanied by concerns about "democratic backsliding" and mainly uses the degree of influence of democratically elected leaders on power checks and balances, freedom of speech, judicial independence, association and assembly, electoral processes, media neutrality, and pluralistic values ​​as observation indicators. The reason why the "populist" phenomenon causes worries about "democratic regression" lies in the close integration between the masses and political leaders, which condenses and transforms various protests and dissatisfaction into personal or organizational power, skipping the "public sphere" that emphasizes citizens' spontaneous equal dialogue and seeking mutual consensus.

From the above background, the operation of contemporary democratic life is not just a matter of meeting the formal conditions of democracy, analyzing power changes and value choices. We need to further understand how participating individuals, groups, and organizations endow "democracy" with multiple meanings based on their respective languages, statuses, reading media, and life experiences, thereby generating corresponding collective actions and participation methods. The "democracy" created by contemporary "democrats" and the internal and external challenges they face are the core issues of the course.

The course is divided into two parts. The first part will start from the discussion of mass psychology, describe the basic types and cohesion methods of contemporary democratic participants, and examine the relationship between the "populist" phenomenon that has emerged in the democratic camp, the extremes of public language, and the mass propaganda mechanism. The second part focuses on the challenges faced by contemporary democratic communities. We will stay within the context of democratization and discuss the relationship between authoritarian legacies, social movements, and old and new political elites. Secondly, the course will analyze the characteristics of policies produced by contemporary democratic communities and the ways to unite heterogeneous members from the perspectives of technology, expert governance and citizenship, and examine whether contemporary democracy has the ability to renew itself and maintain resilience when faced with a high degree of social division of labor and new members.

莊雅仲，2014，《民主台灣：後威權時代的社會運動與文化政治》。香港：香港中文大學出版社。
葉浩，2024，《政治時差・時差政治：敘事共時性作為民主政治的一種想像》。 新北市：聯經。
Laclau, Ernesto 著、林夆燦、黃上銓譯，2023，《民粹的理性》。新北市：群學。
Le Bon, Gustave 著、董強譯，2020，《烏合之眾：激情、非理性、領袖崇拜、盲目群體的心理陷阱》。臺北市：時報。
Orum, Anthony M. & John G. Dale著、多人合譯，2012，《政治社會學：當代世界的權力和參與》。新北市：巨流。
Stanley, Jason 著、劉維人譯，2021，《修辭的陷阱：為何政治包裝讓民主國家無法正確理解世界》。新北市：八旗文化。
Stoker, Gerry 著、龐元媛、李佩怡譯，2009，《別當政治門外漢》。臺北市：博雅書屋。

Zhuang Yazhong, 2014, "Democratic Taiwan: Social Movements and Cultural Politics in the Post-Authoritarian Era." Hong Kong: The Chinese University of Hong Kong Press.
Ye Hao, 2024, "Political Jet Lag, Jet Lag Politics: Narrative Synchronicity as an Imagination of Democratic Politics." New Taipei City: Lianjing.
Laclau, Ernesto, translated by Lin Zhencan and Huang Shangquan, 2023, "Populist Reason". New Taipei City: Qunxue.
Le Bon, written by Gustave and translated by Dong Qiang, 2020, "The Crowd: Passion, Irrationality, Leader Worship, and the Psychological Traps of Blind Groups". Taipei City: The Times.
Orum, Anthony M. & John G. Dale, co-translated, 2012, "Political Sociology: Power and Participation in the Contemporary World". New Taipei City: Juliu.
Stanley, Jason, translated by Liu Weiren, 2021, "The Rhetoric Trap: Why Political Packaging Prevents Democratic Countries from Correctly Understanding the World." New Taipei City: Eight Banners Culture.
Stoker, Gerry, translated by Pang Yuanyuan and Li Peiyi, 2009, "Don't Be a Political Layman". Taipei City: Boya Bookstore.