由伊慶春、簡文吟、呂玉瑕為首的經驗性研究顯示：已婚女性就業並非是基於自利的流動經濟策略，而是同時考量家戶的經濟需求與家庭責任的平衡模式，主要是透過社會文化、意識型態、與家戶策略等結構性因素的影響，如：回歸家庭角色之母職論述，使得她們常常得面臨工作與家庭義務「交織」(weaving)在一起，難以分割的兩難困境(Garey,1999)；無獨有偶的，Blair-Loy(2003)則指出女性常在工人與母親認同之間「觀望」(straddling)，她認為已婚女性傾向於採取一種「家庭貢獻架構」以家庭責任優先，有別於男性的「工作貢獻架構」，重工作承諾與成就。回應上述女性如何在家庭與工作之間取捨，England(1996)使用「平衡」(balanced)與「耍戲法」(juggle)兩個terms，傳神地闡述女性如何部署以迎合工作與家庭需求下的高度交織的策略。而Kung(1976)則印證了傳統的家庭意識，規範了女性的行為，故她們外出工作是為了家庭整體利益與長遠福祉。
然而「平衡活動」(balancing act)是針對所有家庭成員，而非女性自身的課題。為了清楚呈顯女性如何在多元複雜的結構因素之影響下，迎合每一個領域加諸在女性身上的期待，如資本主義、國家政策、中產階級價值與白人文化。Avilas(1997)則以「轉檔」(shifting gears)的說法，針對已婚女性無法將工作與家庭分開的處境予以說明，Glenn(1994)則更整體性的檢視兩性的行動、互動、認同、理念等個人層面，與變遷中社會和經濟與政治制度等結構層面，如何形塑女性做為母親與做為工人的能力中的女性經驗。
在《群學爭鳴》(2008)一書中，伊慶春、章英華就對於已婚女性勞動力如何運用，與家戶經濟需求之間的因果關係做出推論，他們在｢父系家庭持續與變遷｣文中指出：｢女性轉入非正式部門顯示了家庭制度與勞動市場的妥協｣(2008：37)。意即在父權體制底下，表面上雖仍維繫傳統的男主外、女主內的性別分工模式，但隨時代變遷，實質上正面臨了女性勞動力如何多元、彈性運用的新的勞動市場需求，然而已婚女性的就業選擇非常有限，偏向女性化工作的類屬，端繫於家庭責任能否兼顧，為了能就近照顧幼兒，擔負起母職的角色，已婚女性會選擇能夠保有自己的工作空間與較具彈性的時間，還能在店面兼顧家庭責任的｢自雇老板娘｣生存策略，這種兩難困境在底層勞動者或經濟條件不穩定的家戶尤為明顯，深具階層意涵。換句話說，因此，我們是否可以說：｢自雇老板娘｣就是為了兼顧家庭照顧責任與勞動收益需求的性別化產物？！而為了支持家戶生存的集體性需求，已婚女性壓抑其自身利益與權益，同時高度徵用自我勞動力，於家庭生活與店面經營之間兩頭燃燒，一面養家；一面糊口。
為了更深入理解女性與工作之間的交互關係，本學期課程將選擇東海學區周邊的自雇女性做為田野訪談對象，進行「婦女勞動史」的質性研究。她們大多是小吃店的老板娘，希冀透過第一手的實地觀察與面對面的深度訪談，引領大學生進入台灣在地勞動現場，看看自雇女性如何規劃時間，如何運用其勞動力，以及如何連結家庭責任與家戶經濟兩者，在她們整日用心經營店頭生意，與擴展社會網絡的背後，在非正式勞動市場中，檢視婦女就業的社會學意義。

Empirical research led by Yi Qingchun, Jian Wenyin, and Lu Yuxia shows that married women’s employment is not a self-interested mobility economic strategy, but a balancing model that simultaneously considers the family’s economic needs and family responsibilities. This is mainly through the influence of structural factors such as social culture, ideology, and family strategies. For example, the motherhood discourse of returning to family roles makes them often face the "interweaving" of work and family obligations. ing) together, an inseparable dilemma (Garey, 1999); coincidentally, Blair-Loy (2003) pointed out that women often "straddling" between the identity of workers and mothers. She believed that married women tend to adopt a "family contribution structure" that prioritizes family responsibilities, which is different from men's "work contribution structure" that emphasizes work commitment and achievement. In response to the above-mentioned question of how women choose between family and work, England (1996) used the terms "balanced" and "juggle" to vividly explain how women deploy strategies to cater to the highly intertwined demands of work and family. Kung (1976) confirmed the traditional family consciousness and regulated women's behavior, so they went out to work for the overall interests and long-term well-being of the family.
However, "balancing act" is an issue for all family members, not for women themselves. In order to clearly show how women meet the expectations placed on women in every field under the influence of multiple and complex structural factors, such as capitalism, national policies, middle-class values ​​and white culture. Avilas (1997) used the term "shifting gears" to explain the situation of married women unable to separate work and family. Glenn (1994) more holistically examined how the actions, interactions, identities, concepts and other personal aspects of the sexes, as well as the structural aspects of changing social, economic and political systems, shape the female experience in women's abilities as mothers and workers.
In the book "Controversy among Groups of Scholars" (2008), Yi Qingchun and Zhang Yinghua made inferences about the causal relationship between how married women use their labor force and the economic needs of households. In their article "The Continuity and Change of Patrilineal Families," they pointed out: "The transfer of women into the informal sector shows the compromise between the family system and the labor market" (2008: 37). This means that under the patriarchal system, on the surface, the traditional gender division of labor model of men working outside and women working inside is still maintained. However, with the changes of the times, women are actually facing new labor market demands for diversified and flexible utilization of female labor force. However, the employment options for married women are very limited, and they tend to be in the category of feminine jobs, which are tied to family responsibilities. In order to be able to take care of children nearby and take on the role of motherhood, married women will choose the "self-employed boss wife" survival strategy that allows them to maintain their own work space and more flexible time, and can also take care of family responsibilities in the store. This dilemma is especially obvious for workers at the bottom or households with unstable economic conditions, and has deep class connotations. In other words, can we say that the "self-employed boss lady" is a gendered product that balances family care responsibilities with the need for labor income? ! In order to support the collective needs of family survival, married women suppressed their own interests and rights, and at the same time highly requisitioned their own labor force. They were caught between family life and store management, supporting the family on one side and making ends meet on the other.
In order to gain a deeper understanding of the interactive relationship between women and work, this semester's course will select self-employed women around the Donghai School District as field interview subjects to conduct qualitative research on "women's labor history." Most of them are the proprietresses of snack bars. They hope to lead university students into the local labor scene in Taiwan through first-hand field observations and face-to-face in-depth interviews to see how self-employed women plan their time, use their labor force, and connect family responsibilities with the household economy. Behind their dedicated efforts to run store businesses and expand their social networks all day long, they will examine the sociological significance of women's employment in the informal labor market.

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