「國家民族的命運全部隱藏於國民性當中」這一類托克維爾式的歷史社會學修辭, 雖然無法實證，但是，諸如日本社會在常識上被認為具有集體性的傾向、重視對權威的服從等論述, 我們卻也難以反對。另外，日裔的美國歷史社會學者法蘭西斯・福山也這樣說：「在日本, 長期存在著長子優位繼承的慣行, 只有長子可能繼承家業, 所以次子以下的男子, 自幼即有離『家』自謀生計的準備。同時, 這使得日本人對於血緣關係較不執著, 但是對於『家』的存續非常重視。此一社會文化傾向, 造成日本人對於引進無血緣關係之人繼承家業並無太大抵抗」。所以, 就法社會學的觀點而言, 在日本的社會文化中, 個人可以說幾乎完全依附於組織當中。而組織與組織之間橫向聯繫能力的薄弱，以及個人所屬集團的單一化，使得個人在組織間移動極爲困難。但從結果看來，這樣的行動模式，強化了日本人對組織的忠誠心，使得日本成爲注重組織内「縱向人際關係」的社會。而這種社會形態的構成，不只基於個人的自制與道德感，當然也來自利己主義的驅策。就此一意義而言，日本的首相很難成爲強人, 日本社會似乎也不期待強人首相的出現。這與同屬東亞民主國家的台灣和韓國，在近年來的民主化過程中所描繪的政治軌跡非常地不同。
另一方面，戰後日本政治學界對於政治過程主導權的所在, 卻非常感興趣，並且展開了長期且活潑的論爭。以東大法學部教授辻清明為代表的「官僚主導論」，原為主流，但在1981年後, 京大法學部的村松歧夫以實證研究提出「政黨主導論」,展開對「官僚主導論」的質疑與挑戰。然而， 無論是辻的「官僚主導論」或者是村松的「政黨主導論」，甚至內包在「政黨主導論」中的派閥政治、族議員政治等代表「議員主導」的政策形成論, 事實上強調的都是「組織型」的統治而非「個人型」的統治。亦即, 個人主導型政治或特定政治人物在政治過程中的功能, 在日本向來不被重視。這與東亞其他民主國家在近代化過程及現代政治的運作中，政治領袖在政治過程中，經常被凸顯的「人治」色彩相比的話，毫無疑問地，充分顯現日本政治的特異性。本課程將嘗試以[日本人與組織]、[日本型能力主義]、[終身雇用制與日本文化]、[組織社會中個人的探求]等議題，帶領同學們接近日本社會構造的核心。Although the Tocqueville-style historical sociological rhetoric of "the destiny of a country is all hidden in its national character" cannot be empirically verified, for example, Japanese society is generally considered to have a collective tendency and value obedience to authority, etc. discussion, but it is difficult for us to object. In addition, Francis Fukuyama, a Japanese-American historical sociologist, also said: "In Japan, there has been a long-standing custom of inheritance of the eldest son. Only the eldest son may inherit the family business. Therefore, men below the second son have left home since childhood. "Preparation for self-reliance. At the same time, this makes the Japanese less attached to blood relationships, but they attach great importance to the survival of the "family". This social and cultural tendency causes the Japanese to have no intention of introducing unrelated people to inherit the family business. Too much resistance." Therefore, from the perspective of legal sociology, in Japanese social culture, individuals can be said to be almost completely dependent on organizations. The weak ability of horizontal connections between organizations and the simplification of the groups to which individuals belong make it extremely difficult for individuals to move between organizations. However, judging from the results, this action pattern has strengthened Japanese people's loyalty to the organization and made Japan a society that focuses on "vertical interpersonal relationships" within the organization. The formation of this social form is not only based on personal self-control and moral sense, but also driven by egoism. In this sense, it is difficult for a Japanese prime minister to become a strongman, and Japanese society does not seem to expect the emergence of a strongman prime minister. This is very different from the political trajectories that Taiwan and South Korea, both East Asian democracies, have charted in their democratization processes in recent years.
On the other hand, the Japanese political science community after the war was very interested in where the dominance of the political process lies, and launched a long and lively debate. The "bureaucratic dominance theory" represented by Tsuji Kiyoaki, a professor at the Faculty of Law at Tokyo University, was originally the mainstream. However, after 1981, Muramatsu Kiyo of the Faculty of Law at Tokyo University proposed the "party dominance theory" through empirical research, and launched a study of the "bureaucracy dominance theory" questions and challenges. However, whether it is Tsuji’s “bureaucracy-dominated theory” or Muramatsu’s “party-dominated theory”, or even the factional politics and clan councilor politics included in the “party-dominated theory” represent the “member-dominated” theory of policy formation, the facts The emphasis is on "organizational" rule rather than "individual" rule. In other words, individual-led politics or the function of specific political figures in the political process has never been taken seriously in Japan. Compared with other democratic countries in East Asia, in the process of modernization and the operation of modern politics, the "rule of man" color often highlighted by political leaders in the political process, there is no doubt that the specificity of Japanese politics is fully demonstrated. This course will attempt to lead students closer to the core of Japanese social structure through topics such as [Japanese people and organizations], [Japanese ableism], [lifetime employment and Japanese culture], and [individual exploration in organizational society].
1，F.Fukuyama,Trust,1995.(中譯《信任》，立緒文化、2001）。
2，山本七平『日本人とユダヤ人』，2004（初版1970）。（中譯《日本人與猶太人》，錦繡出版事業，1994）。
1. F. Fukuyama, Trust, 1995. (Chinese translation of "Trust", Lixu Culture, 2001).
2. Yamamoto Nanpei's "Japanese People", 2004 (first edition 1970). (Chinese translation of "Japanese and Jews", Jinxiu Publishing, 1994).
| 評分項目 Grading Method | 配分比例 Grading percentage | 說明 Description |
|---|---|---|
| 平時分數平時分數 usual scores |
40 | 上課表現，發問，回答問題，作業等綜合評價 |
| 期中考試期中考試 midterm exam |
30 | 書面報告，分組討論 |
| 期末考試期末考試 final exam |
30 | 研究報告，分組討論，口試 |
